IT IS not uncommon to see a celebrity or designer courting controversy in the media because of the allegedly disrespectful way in which they have used or worn a Hindu symbol.
In her 2019 world tour, Cher came on stage bedecked as an Indian bride reciting the Gayatri Mantra while riding a mechanical elephant. There have been numerous instances of this kind of practice, known as cultural appropriation, where members of one culture take for their own use items produced by another culture (Young, 2008). Hindu symbols, recorded more widely since the counter-cultural years as Indian spirituality (Lucia, 2017, p. 2), have great appeal in Western consumerism.
A common category of interest is the depiction of Hindu gods and goddess that are valorised for their iconographic boldness (animal-headed, multi-armed), colourful palettes and rich mythological power. The use of representations of Hindu deities has been seen in high-profile media cases in the last two decades in the collections of Western designers, such as Roberto Cavalli (in 2004) and Lisa Burke (in 2011). These items caused great offence to Hindus around the world but, in spite of defences of use, apologies, and protests by individuals and Hindu groups, such cases continue to occur.
The reasons are many, but what remains lacking, and critical, are steers about what is acceptable for use. Notwithstanding the view that any form of taking in an unequal dynamic of power – which happens in the appropriation of Hindu symbols in the West – involves cultural appropriation as a matter of definition, policies or guidelines that mitigate against offence need to be formulated. The global circulation of images and ready access to other cultures means that ‘borrowing’ is not going to cease. Also, there are benefits to the sharing and exchange of cultures.
Hinduism, in particular, has been known historically for its tolerance and anti-proselytising (against conversion) stance, making it receptive to Western audiences. Furthermore, the wide circulation of sacred images within Indian society conveys just how pervasive the visual material culture of Hinduism is.
What is often at issue is that the symbol is distorted in its use and is used superficially, without embodying the beliefs of that tradition, to pique consumer intrigue. In the context of fashion and celebrity culture, Indian or Hindu culture comes to be seen as exotic, desirable, mystical and glamorous, especially when worn on the body of a white celebrity. The writer Bell Hooks discusses how symbols from ‘exotic’ cultures can be used to ‘spice up’ consumerism (1992, p. 21). Symbols are stripped of their original use in religious rituals and are performed for commercial benefit. Cher’s recitation of the sacred Vedic Gayatri Mantra before breaking into her dance number is a case in point.
Spokespersons for Hindu bodies have been unable to agree about legitimate use. Ramesh Kallidai, secretary general of the Hindu Forum of Britain, believes that the use of Hindu imagery on commercial goods such as bags should be permitted, so long as the surface is non-polluting (thereby excluding what is regarded as immodest clothing such as underwear, swimming, socks, shoes).
Rajan Zed, president of Universal Society for Hinduism, however, is opposed to Hindu imagery being used to enhance the sale of any goods (Ramachandran, 2014, p. 70). Zed’s view is stark but it does seem, on the face of it, to express a different sentiment than Kallidai’s position.
One indisputable fact is that if something is regarded as sacred, then it has more regulations attached to it and greater sanctions for misuse. In cases of cultural appropriation thus far, there is a positive correlation between the misuse of the sacred symbols and the greater extent of protest. Within the context of Cher’s performance, the strongest objection was levelled not at her wearing a sari or riding an elephant, but at her chanting a sacred text.
The primary stance of Hindus towards sacred things is devotional or reverential. This is not always maintained in Western consumerism, where the focus is often on the aesthetic qualities of the symbol, not on its significance as an object of veneration. Formally, an object needs to be consecrated before it is deemed fit for worship, such as statues of deities in temples. That being said, the implication is that sacred objects should be treated accordingly, and not be subject to the way in which everyday mundane objects are treated. In order to make headway with policy, it is essential that consensus is reached by Hindu organisations in order to decide upon codes and regulations regarding the use of symbols within consumer culture.
Dr Rina Arya works as Professor of Visual Culture and Theory, departmental lead in research, School of Art, Design & Architecture, University of Huddersfield.
US president Donald Trump gestures next to Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu at Ben Gurion International Airport as Trump leaves Israel en route to Sharm El-Sheikh, Egypt, to attend a world leaders' summit on ending the Gaza war, amid a US-brokered prisoner-hostage swap and ceasefire deal between Israel and Hamas, in Lod, Israel, October 13, 2025.
‘They make a desert and call it peace’, wrote the Roman historian Tacitus. That was an early exercise, back in AD 96, of trying to walk in somebody else’s shoes. The historian was himself the son-in-law of the Roman Governor of Britain, yet he here imagined the rousing speech of a Caledonian chieftain to give voice to the opposition to that imperial conquest.
Nearly two thousand years later, US president Donald Trump this week headed to Sharm-El-Sheikh in the desert, to join the Egyptian, Turkish and Qatari mediators of the Gaza ceasefire. Twenty more world leaders, including prime minister Sir Keir Starmer and president Emmanuel Macron of France turned up too to witness this ceremonial declaration of peace in Gaza.
This ceasefire brings relief after two years of devastating pain. Tens of thousands of civilians have been killed. More of the Israeli hostages taken by Hamas are returning dead than alive. Eighty-five per cent of Gaza is rubble. Each of the twenty steps of the proposed peace plan may prove rocky. The state of Palestine has more recognition - in principle - than ever before across the international community, but it may be a long road to that taking practical form. Israel continues to oppose a Palestinian state.
The ceasefire will be welcomed in Britain for humanitarian relief and rekindling hopes of a path to a political settlement. It offers an opportunity to take stock on the fissures of the last two years on community relations here in Britain too. That was the theme of a powerful cross-faith conversation last week, convened by the Board of Deputies of British Jews, to reciprocate the expressions of solidarity received from Muslims, Christians and others after the Manchester synagogue attacks, and challenge the arson attack on a Sussex mosque.
Jewish and Muslim civic voices had convened an ‘optimistic alliance’ to keep conversations going when there seemed ever less to be optimistic about. The emerging news from Gaza was seen as a hopeful basis to deepen conversation in Britain about how tackling the causes of both antisemitism and anti-Muslim prejudice could form part of a shared commitment to cohesion.
This conflict has not seen a Brexit-style polarisation down the middle of British society. Most people’s first instinct was to avoid choosing a side in this conflict. The murderous Hamas attack on Jews on October 7, 2023 and the excesses of the Israeli assault on Gaza piled tragedy upon tragedy. The instinct to not take sides can be an expression of mutual empathy, but is not always so noble. It can reflect confusion and exhaustion with this seemingly intractable conflict. A tendency to look away and change the subject can frustrate those whose family heritage, faith solidarity or commitments to Zionism and Palestine as political ideas make them feel more closely connected.
Others have felt this conflict thrust upon them in an unwelcome way - including British Jews fed up with the antisemitic idea that they can be held responsible at school, university or work for what the government of Israel is doing. Protesters for Palestine perceive double standards in arguments about free speech - as do those with contrasting views. The proper boundaries between legitimate political protest and prejudice are sharply contested.
Hamit Coksun is an asylum seeker who speaks somewhat broken English. He would seem an unusual ally for Robert Jenrick. Yet the shadow justice secretary went to court to offer solidarity, after Coskun had burned a Qu’ran outside the Turkish Embassy, while shouting “F__ Islam” and “Islam is the religion of terrorism”. He had been fined £250, but the appeal court overturned his conviction. The judgment was context-specific: this specific incendiary protest took place outside an embassy, not a place of worship, in an empty street, and did not direct the comments at anybody in particular.
The law does not protect faiths from criticism, and indeed offers some protection for intolerant and prejudiced political speech too, though the police can place conditions on protest to protect people from abuse, intimidation or harassment on the basis of their faith.
So it can be legal to performatively burn books - holy or otherwise - though this verdict makes clear it does not offer a green light to do so in every context.
But how far should we celebrate those who choose to burn books? Cosun advocates banning the Qu’ran, making him a flawed champion of free speech. Jenrick is legitimately concerned to show that there are no laws against blasphemy in Britain, but could anybody imagine that he would turn up in person to show solidarity to a man burning the Bible, Bhagvad Gita or Torah, shouting profanities to declaring religion of war or genocide? The court’s defence of the right to shock, offend and provoke is correct in law. Those are hardly the only conversations that a shared society needs.
Sunder Katwalawww.easterneye.biz
Sunder Katwala is the director of thinktank British Future and the author of the book How to Be a Patriot: The must-read book on British national identity and immigration.
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