THE immigration bill currently before parliament is the biggest change in British immigration policy for 40 years, though it has had a much lower profile than it would have done in usual times.
The bill was carried comfortably – the second reading majority of 351 votes to 252 last week reflecting this government’s confidence it can get its legislation through parliament.
Yet, within three days, there have been two government u-turns on immigration policy. The first saw the government extend its policy of unconditional leave to remain for the families of NHS workers who have died of Covid-19, accepting that this should apply not just to doctors and nurses, but also to cleaners and porters, and to care workers outside the NHS too.
The second saw an overnight change on the NHS surcharge – an additional fee for all time-limited visas from outside the EU – scrapping this charge for NHS and care workers.
Prime minister Boris Johnson defended the policy against questioning from Labour leader Keir Starmer, as necessary to raise resources, but changed his mind overnight. It was no coincidence that the change of policy came late on a Thursday afternoon, a few hours before the ninth weekly round of applause for NHS and care workers.
This was a clear example of how this new weekly ritual, in which about half of the population of the country have participated, adds to political and media pressure on a government for policy change.
Surveys showed majority support for scrapping the surcharge for health workers, but support for the policy in principle. Yet most people would never have heard of the NHS surcharge before this argument to scrap it.
Though government and opposition politicians are constantly devising policies designed to reassure the public, it was striking how few participants in British Future’s National Conversation on Immigration had heard of them. The intuition that migrants should pay into public services like the NHS is a popular one, reflecting the contributory view of public services. The counter that migrants already do this, by paying their taxes, is less well known. Though the evidence is that migrants make a ‘net contribution’ to the public finances, most people find the meaning of such terms rather abstract.
The government will try to limit the exemption to NHS and care workers. Campaigners might ask it to show its workings – as to why the extra payment is fair, given the taxes paid. The fairness case might also be communicated more effectively if NHS staff advocate alongside others – for example, a nurse who is relieved at no longer having to pay the extra fee asking why it is fair for a primary school teacher to do so.
The debate took place in a mostly virtual parliament, so that MPs spoke in turn without the usual interventions and exchanges, making it easier for the parties to talk past each other. The Conservatives emphasised the end of free movement, as what the voters wanted. Labour MPs spoke about the increased awareness of so-called “low-skilled” workers. The SNP argued that Scotland’s views and needs were different.
Tory backbenchers mostly spoke about the new rules being fairer and more welcoming to migrants from outside the EU, rather than talking about reducing immigration significantly.
The latest quarterly figures showed rising non-EU migration while EU net migration has fallen, though future policy will be made in a very different post-pandemic economic context.
Both government u-turns illustrate the type of “winning coalition” that might persuade a Conservative majority government to change its mind. Opposition parties can give an issue profile, but there needs to be significant pressure from its own backbenchers. The government is sensitive to media pressure, especially when it reflects shifting public attitudes on immigration.
The immigration bill debate highlighted a number of other issues where coalitions of “unusual allies” might coalesce to make policy changes possible in this parliament. Former immigration minister Caroline Nokes spoke for a new approach to social care in devising the new system. David Davis, a supporter of ending free movement, is seeking cross-party support for ending indefinite detention, with a time-limit and proper judicial oversight. Alberto Costa called for a review of citizenship policy, including the highest citizenship fees in the world. And Yvette Cooper, chair of the Home Affairs Committee, drew some flak on social media for saying that she would abstain on the bill, so as to seek to broker consensus on constructive amendments.
During this reset moment for Britain’s immigration system, influencing policy outcomes will depend on efforts to bridge the different political tribes.
US PRESIDENT Donald Trump’s visit sees the British state deploy all of its pomp and pageantry to stroke his ego. King Charles has the constitutional duty of pretending to like the American president, as his UK government seeks to limit the economic damage and diplomatic fallout of this more volatile second Trump term.
But could Trump’s presence provide a spectre of British politics yet to come? He arrives with Reform leader Nigel Farage riding high in the polls, and after Tommy Robinson’s mass rally in London.
Hope Not Hate called it the biggest far-right rally in British history. Many of those who attended would dispute that characterisation, but the organisers certainly had no qualms about platforming extremist content. Elon Musk went much further than Enoch Powell, whose ‘Rivers of Blood’ speech claimed to be prophesying violence to avert the danger. The radicalised Musk told the large crowd that violence was coming, so that they should adopt it pre-emptively. Musk’s ability to enter Britain in future must depend on a public retraction of this call for violence.
The mood music of British politics seems to be moving sharply to the right. Yet the Labour government has lost its voice on challenging racism for much of this summer. When it is struggling so badly on asylum, the fear of being perceived to call everybody racist has seemingly left it unable to criticise even neo-Nazis.
Immigration was one of Trump’s strongest issues at the last election. Nigel Farage now seeks to emulate that with his arguments for mass deportations and abolishing asylum in the UK.
So a new BritishFuture report, “How we can actually stop the boats,” takes on the exam question that does most to keep ministers up at night. I have coauthored the report with Frank Sharry, a US immigration expert who also worked for the Biden and Harris campaigns. It details some surprising lessons from America about how to avoid our own Trump moment here.
For three years, the Biden administration struggled with unauthorised entry of two million people a year – a much greater inflow than the small boats that feel like an existential threat in Downing Street. Biden initially sought to duck the issue, seeing it as a distraction from his economic agenda. But that political strategy of avoidance failed.
Yet the untold story about the Biden administration at the border is not just about political failure – but also of a belated policy success. A mix of diplomatic cooperation, a significant new legal route and the refusal and return of those who came outside of it, led to illegal border crossings from Mexico falling by 81 per cent in the final year of the Biden administration. It happened too late, politically, for the Kamala Harris campaign, but it offers insight to Shabana Mahmood and Keir Starmer over how to defeat Trumpism in Britain.
The UK and US contexts are not identical but there are transferable lessons. The new UK-French pilot scheme works on similar principles. The initial pilot scheme may begin by removing 50 people a week – about 2,500 a year. That is around one in seventeen people crossing the Channel. A pilot won’t significantly reduce numbers, or disrupt the smugglers’ business model, while most people know this is unlikely to affect them .
But if the pilot can be expanded ten-fold, it would make returns more likely than not. At twenty times the scale, it could operationalise a returns guarantee. That could reduce crossings by 75 per cent and provide a path to closing down the irregular route as a viable way to claim asylum in Britain. The US experience offers hard evidence of what can be achieved when this approach is delivered at scale. The government does want to scale the pilot at pace and is dealing with the legal, practical and political challenges, including political instability in France.
The British Future report presents striking new evidence of how the ‘routes for returns’ deal can depolarise public opinion too. We hear a lot about the anger of those protesting outside hotels, and sometimes the counterprotestors too. But most people are balancers on immigration. A majority want action on Channel crossings but still want Britain to protect refugees in need. Farage’s rejectionist case for ditching the principle of refugee protection would destroy too much; but the humanitarian counter-argument needs to combine both more control as well as more compassion if it is to secure popular support.
The anti-Trump protestors can claim to speak for Britain: three-quarters of people remain bemused that American voters could have chosen Trump a second time.
Most people would prefer an orderly, controlled and humane system to the populist threat of tearing everything up. The government’s job is to show that combining control and compassion can work.
Sunder Katwala
Sunder Katwala is the director of thinktank British Future and the author of the book How to Be a Patriot: The must-read book on British national identity and immigration.
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Piyush Goyal with Jonathan Reynolds at Chequers during the signing of the UK–India Free Trade Agreement in July
IN SIR KEIR STARMER’S cabinet reshuffle last week, triggered by the resignation of Angela Rayner, the prime minister shifted Jonathan Reynolds from business and trade secretary and president of the board of trade after barely a year in the post to chief whip, making him responsible for the party.
The move doesn’t make much sense. At Chequers, the UK-India Free Trade Agreement was signed by Reynolds, and the Indian commerce and industry minister, Piyush Goyal. They had clearly established a friendly working relationship.
Reynolds apparently bought Goyal an ice cream some weeks ago when they were walking in London’s Hyde Park and ironed out the last remaining problems.
Goyal will have to start all over again with Reynolds’s replacement, Peter Kyle.
At least, Lisa Nandy, who managed to sign a cultural agreement with India, remains culture secretary, despite persistent reports she was due for the sack. I have high hopes of Kanishka Narayan, who has been appointed parliamentary under-secretary in the Department for Science, Innovation and Technology. Crucially, chancellor Rachel Reeves has not been given another job.
But, in his heart of hearts, Starmer must know he cannot win the next general election if she remains his chancellor. Her vindictive VAT raid on private schools has ruined the lives of many children and forced school after school to close. And the rules on inheritance tax and non-doms have driven many Indian entrepreneurs to flee to Dubai. Starmer should be “pragmatic” – a word he likes – and reverse these policies for the good of the country.
Finding romance today feels like trying to align stars in a night sky that refuses to stay still
When was the last time you stumbled into a conversation that made your heart skip? Or exchanged a sweet beginning to a love story - organically, without the buffer of screens, swipes, or curated profiles? In 2025, those moments feel rarer, swallowed up by the quickening pace of life.
We are living faster than ever before. Cities hum with noise and neon, people race between commitments, and ambition seems to be the rhythm we all march to. In the process, the simple art of connection - eye contact, lingering conversations, the gentle patience of getting to know someone - feels like it is slipping through our fingers.
Whether you’re single, searching, or settled, the landscape is shifting. Some turn to apps for convenience; others look for love in cafés, gyms, workplaces or community spaces. But the challenge remains the same: how do we connect deeply in a world designed to move at lightning speed?
We’ve become fluent in productivity, in chasing careers, in cultivating polished identities. Yet are we forgetting how to be fluent in intimacy? When was the last time you sat across from someone and truly listened - without checking your phone, without planning the next step, without treating time like a currency to be spent?
It’s a strange paradox: we have more access to people than ever before, yet many feel more isolated. Fun is always available - dinners, drinks, nights out, fleeting encounters - but fulfilment is harder to grasp. Are we mistaking access for intimacy? Are we human, or are we slowly adapting into versions of ourselves stripped of those raw, humanistic qualities - vulnerability, patience, tenderness - that once defined love?
Perhaps we’ve grown comfortable with the fast exit. It’s easier to ghost than to explain. Easier to keep moving than to pause. But what does that cost us? What do we lose when romance becomes a checkbox on an already overstuffed to-do list?
The truth is - the heart doesn’t move at the pace of technology or ambition. It moves slowly, awkwardly, with a rhythm that resists acceleration. Maybe that’s the point. Love has always lived in the messy spaces - hesitant pauses, nervous laughter, words spoken without rehearsal.
So the real question for 2025 is not “Have we gone too far?” but “Can we afford to slow down?” Can we still allow ourselves the sweetness of beginnings - the chance encounters, the unplanned moments, the quiet courage to be open?
Because in the end, connection is not about speed or access—it’s about presence. In a world that won’t stop moving, choosing to be present might be the bravest act of love we have left.
Instagram & TikTok: @Bombae.mix
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Indian infantrymen on the march in France in October 1914 during World War I. (Photo: Getty Images)
This country should never forget what we all owe to those who won the second world war against fascism. So the 80th anniversary of VE Day and VJ Day this year have had a special poignancy in bringing to life how the historic events that most of us know from grainy black and white photographs or newsreel footage are still living memories for a dwindling few.
People do sometimes wonder if the meaning of these great historic events will fade in an increasingly diverse Britain. If we knew our history better, we would understand why that should not be the case.
For the armies that fought and won both world wars look more like the Britain of 2025 in their ethnic and faith mix than the Britain of 1945 or 1918. The South Asian soldiers were the largest volunteer army in history, yet ensuring that their enormous contribution is fully recognised in our national story remains an important work in progress.
About half of the public do know that Indian soldiers took part. It is better known among British Asians - with almost 6 out of 10 aware of the contribution. Yet while that means that more than three million British Asians have heard something about this, that suggests too that a couple of million of Asians in Britain today remain unaware of the South Asian contribution to the war effort.
It is less well understood that Hindu, Sikh and Muslim soldiers fought alongside British officers in the largest volunteer army that the world has ever seen. About four in ten report being aware that there were Hindu and Sikh soldiers in the Indian Army - while just under a third are aware of the Muslim contribution. Yet there is an appetite to learn more. Three-quarters of the public believe that learning more about this history could help social cohesion in Britain. It is a view held as strongly by the white British and by British Asians.
So the My Family Legacy project from British Future, the Royal British Legion and Eastern Eye seeks to make a contribution to doing that. It aims to raise awareness of the South Asian contribution in the world wars, among South Asian communities and people from all backgrounds in Britain today. It asks British Asian families to share stories and pictures of ancestors who served, creating an archive for future generations.
When we talk about the Indian Army, we are talking about the army drawn from the India of the 1940s. This was pre-independence India – so it included modern day India and Pakistan, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka. The Indian Army grew from 195,000 men in the Autumn of 1939 to over 2 million by the end of the war. A fledgling Indian Air Force went from 285 men to 29,000. This made the Indian army of the Second World War the largest volunteer army in history.
It may sound strange to our modern ears: that Indian soldiers would volunteer for the army of the British imperial power. Yet those who volunteered often saw the German and Japanese regimes as an existential threat as well as believing that India should govern itself after the war. So the Indian Army volunteers outnumbered – by a 50:1 ratio – the 43,000 rebels who heeded the call to form a rebel army for the Germans and Japanese.
We should not shy away from the complexity and controversies of understanding that we are a post-imperial society. But this country’s role in winning the Second World War should always endure as a source of shared pride.
It matters because we should honour the past properly: we should recognise the service and commemorate the sacrifice of all who contributed, especially when the liberties of all of us today are their legacy.
Yet this matters too because of how it can help us to look forward as well as back and help us to bind together our society today. To have a story of how our past, present and future are linked, is an important part of what it means to be a nation. Understanding the diversity of the war effort is a crucial way to join the dots in the making of modern post-war Britain.
That becomes all the more important in times like these, when a vocal, visible and toxic minority are making their most aggressive attempt for a generation to all into question the equal status and very presence of ethnic minorities in Britain.
Yet the toxic and racist far right fringe have always been deeply ignorant of the history of which they claim to be so proud. What could be more absurd than neo-fascists trying to wrap themselves in the very flag under which we defeated fascism - especially when that victory over fascism was achieved by multi-ethnic and multi-faith armies just as diverse as the modern Britain which honours today the victory which made this democratic and diverse society possible.
So this new effort to help people to find, document and tell their family stories of courage and contribution, service and sacrifice can make a difference. It can help show how our national symbols and traditions of Remembrance can bring today's modern, diverse Britain together ever more powerfully when we commemorate all of those who served.
Sunder Katwala is the director of thinktank British Future and the author of the book How to Be a Patriot: The must-read book on British national identity and immigration.
How noticing the changes in my father taught me the importance of early action, patience, and love
I don’t understand people who don’t talk or see their parents often. Unless they have done something to ruin your lives or you had a traumatic childhood, there is no reason you shouldn’t be checking in with them at least every few days if you don’t live with them.
Earlier this year, I had the privilege of looking after my parents – they lived with me while their old house was being sold, and their new house was being renovated.
Within this time, I noticed things happening to my dad (Chamanlal Mulji), an 81-year-old retired joiner. Dad was known as Simba when he lived in Zanzibar, East Africa because he was like a lion. A man in fairly good health, despite being an ex-smoker, he’d only had heart surgery back in 2017. In the last few years, he was having some health issues, but certain things, like his walking and driving becoming slow, and his memory failing, we just put down to old age. Now, my dad was older than my friend’s dad. Many of whom in their 70’s, dad, at 81 was an older dad, not common back in the seventies when he married my mum.
It was only when I spent extended time around my parents that I started noticing that certain things weren’t just due to old age. Some physical symptoms were more serious, but certain things like forgetting that the front door wasn’t the bathroom door, and talking about old memories thinking that they had recently happened rang alarm bells for me and I suspected that he might have dementia.
Dementia generally happens in old age when the brain starts to shrink. Someone described it to me as a person’s brain being like a bookshelf. The books at the top of the shelf are the new memories and the books at the bottom are the new memories. The books at the top have fallen off, leaving only the old memories being remembered. People with dementia are also highly likely to suffer from strokes.
Sadly, my dad was one of the few that suffered a stroke and passed away on 28th June 2025. If you have a parent, family member or anyone you know and you suspect that they might have dementia, please talk to your GP straight away. Waiting lists within the NHS are extremely LONG so the quicker people with dementia are treated, the better. Sadly, the illness cannot be reversed but medication can help it from getting worse.
One thing I would also advise is to have patience. Those suffering with dementia can be agitated and often become aggressive, but that’s only because they’re frustrated that they cannot do things the way they used to.
The disease might hide the person underneath, but there’s still a person in there who needs your love and attention.” - Jamie Calandriello