HIGHLY-SKILLED professionals from India and other south Asian countries will no longer face visa caps when migrating to Britain as the UK cabinet agreed to drop current rules that give preferential treatment to workers from the EU.
Citizens from the other 27 European Union member states are currently free to live and work in Britain under the bloc’s freedom of movement rules, but this will end after Brexit.
A Downing Street spokeswoman said: “The cabinet agreed that once free movement is
brought to an end, the government will be able to introduce a new system which works
in the best interests of the UK, including by helping to boost productivity.”
Prime minister Theresa May is expected to make further announcements on additional
immigration rules at her Conservative party’s conference which is due to take place in Birmingham next week.
Last week, official advisers recommended prioritising high-skilled migrant workers coming to Britain after Brexit. They also said there should be no preferential treatment for workers from the EU.
On Monday (24), Alan Manning of the Migration Advisory Committee, briefed the cabinet
on his plan that recommends “supporting a system based on skills rather than nationality”.
However, as home secretary Sajid Javid announced proposals for restrictions on the number of low-skilled migrants coming to the UK after Britain leaves the EU, the chancellor
opposed the proposition.
Philip Hammond argued that a plan to reduce the number of low-skilled migrants could
lead to labour shortages in parts of the economy.
An Asian peer who has campaigned for students and business owners outside the EU
told Eastern Eye on Tuesday (25) that although the latest policies on highly-skilled migrants
was a good move, more needed to done.
“It is excellent, we should have as [many highly-skilled workers] as we need,” Lord Karan
Bilimoria said. “But I would go further and say we need people from across the board.”
Commenting on recent statistics showing the UK’s lowest unemployment levels in more than 40 years, Lord Bilimoria believes this will cause problems when certain employment
sectors require staff.
The hospitality industry, he argued, was one field where employment rates could potentially suffer.
“It is all very well saying train up local people [from the UK], but look at the logic – if we
train up local people, unemployment is already at four per cent,” he said. “Where are
these people going to come from if we have such low unemployment?”
Aditi Bhardwaj, one of the protest organisers of campaign group Highly Skilled Migrants, told Eastern Eye on Wednesday (26) that the move was a "great start".
"Having the same rules is non-discriminatory and shows the UK to be a fair country," Bhardwaj said. "Skills over nationality is something what we need. Having this would definitely mean that the cap on highly skilled would need to be removed to give a fair opportunity for everyone. We are all one and everyone should have an equal opportunity."
Going forward, any post-Brexit immigration policy could be affected by Britain’s future trade deals.
Countries such as India are keen for easier movement of its nationals should they choose
to work in Britain, but talks on the matter have not been without hurdles.
India’s prime minister Narendra Modi is reported to have discussed it with May, but the Conservative government has been keen to keep immigration numbers down as it emerged as a key concern for UK voters during the EU referendum in June 2016.
Shadow home secretary Diane Abbott has criticised the government’s approach to immigration policies post-Brexit, claiming it is “still unfair [and] unworkable.”
The Labour MP also accused the Conservative party of “ignoring the needs of the UK’s economy”.
“Keeping out vital social care workers and others because they are low-paid is economically
damaging, and business have strongly criticised this policy,” Abbott said.
The EU may well seek to negotiate continued preferential treatment in return for access to its single market, while other countries could also seek visa waivers in return for trade deals with Britain when it leaves the EU next March.
Lord Bilimoria, who is also the co-founder of Cobra Beer, cautioned that India could feel “discriminated against” while the UK talks of free trade deals as there is a difference in visa fees when compared to other countries across Asia.
Tourist visa prices differ between China and India, with Indians paying a higher amount of
money than Chinese for the same type of multiple entry visa.
The Home Office also announced in June that citizens of 11 countries – including China
and Serbia – would be able to access a streamlined process to apply for Tier 4 student visas to study at UK universities.
India, however, has been excluded from this list, much to its irritation.
“On the one hand, the government is saying they want to do free trade deals with India after Brexit, but then on the other, they have insulted India by excluding them in this list of favoured countries,” Lord Bilimoria said, questioning the reasoning behind the price differences. “The UK needs to stop discriminating [India], and then we can talk about a free trade deal.”
May promised last week that even if Brexit negotiations with the EU break down, the rights of Europeans currently living in Britain “will be protected”.
Her spokesman said there would be formal proposals published “shortly”.
TENSIONS with Pakistan, fluctuating ties with Bangladesh, and growing Chinese influence in Nepal and Sri Lanka have complicated India’s neighbourhood policy, a top foreign policy and security expert has said.
C Raja Mohan, distinguished professor at the Motwani Jodeja Institute for American Studies at OP Jindal Global University, has a new book out, called India and the Rebalancing of Asia.
He also described how India’s engagement with the US, Japan, Australia and Europe has moved from symbolism to one of substance. Raja Mohan said, “After independence, India withdrew from regional security politics, focusing on global issues and non-alignment. But the past decade has seen a reversal. India is now back in the Asian balance of power. The very concept of the ‘Indo-Pacific’ reflects that, putting the ‘Indo’ into the ‘Pacific.’”
The idea, he explained, has deep historical roots: “The British once viewed the Indian and Pacific Oceans as interconnected realms. Now, after decades of separation, those spaces are merging again.”
Narendra Modi with Xi Jinping and (right)Vladimir Putin at last month’s SCO summit in China
While India once aspired to build a “post-Western order” alongside China, those dreams have long since faded, according to the expert.
“Contradictions between India and China have sharpened,” he said, citing territorial disputes, a $100 billion (£75bn) trade deficit, and China’s growing influence among India’s neighbours.
By contrast, India’s ties with the US and Europe have strengthened.
“Where once India shunned security cooperation with Washington, it is now deeply engaged,” he said. Yet he emphasised that India remains an independent actor, “not a traditional ally like Japan or Australia.”
His comments were made during the Adelphi series, hosted by the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) last month. According to the expert, who is also a visiting research professor at the National University of Singapore, the return of India to regional security politics marks a significant change in its foreign policy since independence. Popular discussions about the “rise of Asia” tend to oversimplify what Raja Mohan explained was a deeply uneven transformation. “It’s more accurate to say Asia as a whole is rising,” he said, adding, “but not evenly. China has risen much faster than the rest.”
This imbalance has created internal contradictions within Asia, according to the academic. “China’s sense of entitlement to regional dominance and its territorial claims have provoked reactions from other Asian countries,” he said.
While China’s economic ascent, once “a marriage of Western capital and Chinese labour”, that relationship has strained over the past 15 years as the Asian country grew into a global military and economic powerhouse, according to Raja Mohan.
And the US, which previously nurtured China’s growth, now seeks to restore balance in Asia, shifting from a policy of engagement to one of cautious competition, he said.
Dwelling on India’s rise, he said, “The question is not whether India can match China alone, but whether it can help build coalitions that limit unilateralism. History shows weaker states can play crucial balancing roles, as China once did against the Soviet Union.”
He explored how the US-China and India-China dynamics might evolve, particularly under US president Donald Trump.
“Some believe the US is retrenching to focus on Asia, others think Trump might seek a grand bargain with China,” Raja Mohan said. “Much depends on how Washington manages its ties with Russia and its global posture.”
He also described how India’s engagement with the US, Japan, Australia and Europe has moved from symbolism to one of substance. Raja Mohan said, “After independence, India withdrew from regional security politics, focusing on global issues and non-alignment. But the past decade has seen a reversal. India is now back in the Asian balance of power. The very concept of the ‘Indo-Pacific’ reflects that, putting the ‘Indo’ into the ‘Pacific.’”
The idea, he explained, has deep historical roots: “The British once viewed the Indian and Pacific Oceans as interconnected realms. Now, after decades of separation, those spaces are merging again.”
While India once aspired to build a “post-Western order” alongside China, those dreams have long since faded, according to the expert.
“Contradictions between India and China have sharpened,” he said, citing territorial disputes, a $100 billion (£75bn) trade deficit, and China’s growing influence among India’s neighbours.
By contrast, India’s ties with the US and Europe have strengthened.
“Where once India shunned security cooperation with Washington, it is now deeply engaged,” he said. Yet he emphasised that India remains an independent actor, “not a traditional ally like Japan or Australia.”
His comments were made during the Adelphi series, hosted by the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) last month. According to the expert, who is also a visiting research professor at the National University of Singapore, the return of India to regional security politics marks a significant change in its foreign policy since independence. Popular discussions about the “rise of Asia” tend to oversimplify what Raja Mohan explained was a deeply uneven transformation. “It’s more accurate to say Asia as a whole is rising,” he said, adding, “but not evenly. China has risen much faster than the rest.”
This imbalance has created internal contradictions within Asia, according to the academic. “China’s sense of entitlement to regional dominance and its territorial claims have provoked reactions from other Asian countries,” he said.
While China’s economic ascent, once “a marriage of Western capital and Chinese labour”, that relationship has strained over the past 15 years as the Asian country grew into a global military and economic powerhouse, according to Raja Mohan.
And the US, which previously nurtured China’s growth, now seeks to restore balance in Asia, shifting from a policy of engagement to one of cautious competition, he said.
Dwelling on India’s rise, he said, “The question is not whether India can match China alone, but whether it can help build coalitions that limit unilateralism. History shows weaker states can play crucial balancing roles, as China once did against the Soviet Union.”
He explored how the US-China and India-China dynamics might evolve, particularly under US president Donald Trump.
“Some believe the US is retrenching to focus on Asia, others think Trump might seek a grand bargain with China,” Raja Mohan said. “Much depends on how Washington manages its ties with Russia and its global posture.”
China, he noted, has already toned down its aggressive “wolf warrior” diplomacy, realising that assertiveness has backfired. Yet the underlying structural contradictions between China and both the US and India “are unlikely to disappear.”
Asked about India’s balancing act between the US and Russia, especially after Moscow’s invasion of Ukraine, the expert was pragmatic.
“India has steadily moved closer to the US and the West, but Trump’s trade-first approach has caused turbulence,” Raja Mohan said.
He cited the threats of high tariffs on Indian imports and resentment over trade imbalances with Washington DC.
On Russia, Raja Mohan’s view was that the relationship has been “in slow decline since the 1990s.”
While India’s GDP now outpaces Russia’s, it continues to engage Moscow for practical reasons. “India’s oil purchases from Russia rose from two per cent to forty per cent after 2022. That’s pragmatism, not alignment,” Raja Mohan said.
He added that prime minister Narendra Modi’s recent handshakes with China’s president Xi Jinping and Russia’s president Vladimir Putin at the Shanghai Co-operation Organization (SCO) summit in China were “signals, reminders to the West that India has options.”
Raja Mohan said India was at the cusp of a historic transformation. “India once provided security across Asia - in both world wars, millions of Indian soldiers fought overseas. That history was forgotten when India withdrew from global security,” he said.
“Now we are reclaiming that role. Ideally, the partnership with the US is the best. But if not, India and other Asian powers will have to shoulder the burden themselves.”
“Japan, Korea, India, Australia - all will have to do more on their own,” he said. “We’ll need to pull up our own bootstraps.”
Dr Benjamin Rhode, senior fellow at IISS, chaired the session.
aggressive “wolf warrior” diplomacy, realising that assertiveness has backfired. Yet the underlying structural contradictions between China and both the US and India “are unlikely to disappear.”
Asked about India’s balancing act between the US and Russia, especially after Moscow’s invasion of Ukraine, the expert was pragmatic.
“India has steadily moved closer to the US and the West, but Trump’s trade-first approach has caused turbulence,” Raja Mohan said.
He cited the threats of high tariffs on Indian imports and resentment over trade imbalances with Washington DC.
On Russia, Raja Mohan’s view was that the relationship has been “in slow decline since the 1990s.”
While India’s GDP now outpaces Russia’s, it continues to engage Moscow for practical reasons. “India’s oil purchases from Russia rose from two per cent to forty per cent after 2022. That’s pragmatism, not alignment,” Raja Mohan said.
He added that prime minister Narendra Modi’s recent handshakes with China’s president Xi Jinping and Russia’s president Vladimir Putin at the Shanghai Co-operation Organization (SCO) summit in China were “signals, reminders to the West that India has options.”
Raja Mohan said India was at the cusp of a historic transformation. “India once provided security across Asia - in both world wars, millions of Indian soldiers fought overseas. That history was forgotten when India withdrew from global security,” he said.
“Now we are reclaiming that role. Ideally, the partnership with the US is the best. But if not, India and other Asian powers will have to shoulder the burden themselves.”
“Japan, Korea, India, Australia - all will have to do more on their own,” he said. “We’ll need to pull up our own bootstraps.”
Dr Benjamin Rhode, senior fellow at IISS, chaired the session.
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