“India’s foreign policy is not tied to the individuals in power in a particular country. We always aim to protect India’s interests, and changes in administration in any country do not alter that approach,” he said.
“Recently, there have been changes in administration in countries such as the UK, Sri Lanka and Japan. However, we continue to maintain strong diplomatic relations with them.
“India’s prime minister Narendra Modi has a good relationship with the US president. This rapport might prove beneficial for the country.”
Muraleedharan was the minister of state for external affairs when Trump visited India in 2020.
He said, “India always wants to maintain a country-to-country and peopleto-people connection.”
Trump and India’s prime minister spoke on a call on Monday (27), when the US president pressed Modi for “fair” trading ties and also discussed plans for a visit to the White House, a readout of the call said.
US secretary of state Marco Rubio with India’s foreign minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar in Washington DC last Tuesday (21)
It came a day after British prime minister Sir Keir Starmer spoke to Trump last Sunday (26) in a wide-ranging conversation on Gaza and the economy.
“The two leaders stressed the importance of the close and warm ties between the UK and the US, and the president spoke of his respect and affection for the royal family,” a Downing Street statement said. “They agreed to meet soon and looked forward to further discussions then.”
Trump began the call by offering condolences for the death of Starmer’s brother Nick last month.
The US president praised Starmer last Saturday (25) for doing “a very good job”.
“I think he’s done a very good job thus far,” Trump told reporters aboard Air Force One. “I like him a lot”.
Alice Copland, policy and parliamentary affairs manager at the UK’s Foreign Policy Centre, told Eastern Eye, “Keir Starmer and his colleagues have been clear in their intention to pursue good relationships with Trump and his allies and develop the US-UK relationship.
Anit Mukherjee
“Trump’s positive remarks about Starmer and their call over the weekend will be seen as a boost. However, the future remains ambiguous, particularly as the UK government also prioritises its manifesto commitment to ‘reset relationships’ with Europe and deliver steadfast support for NATO.
“What this means for the ‘special relationship’ remains to be seen.”
“The raft of executive orders signed by Trump in his first few days in office provide an indication of future challenges that could impact the UK’s relationship with the US. Withdrawal from the World Health Organisation and the Paris Climate Agreement are prominent examples, and these breaks from international norms and institutions could provide a point of tension for Starmer and his cabinet as they attempt to build productive relationships with US counterparts.
V Muraleedharan
“Looking forward, there will be no moment where the USUK relationship is ‘secured’. What often appears to be impulsive policymaking by Trump and an increased use of social media to outline priorities will mean that uncertainty will always remain. It’s going to be an ongoing balancing act for Starmer, when at any moment Trump, and his officials and allies, might suddenly upset the apple cart.”
Starmer last Sunday praised Trump for his “role in securing the landmark ceasefire and hostages deal in Gaza,” as they discussed the “importance of working together for security in the Middle East”.
Trump, meanwhile welcomed the release of BritishIsraeli dual national Emily Damari, who was freed a week ago by Hamas.
Trump also “expressed his well wishes for the King and the royal family”.
The two leaders discussed “how both countries can promote a fair bilateral economic relationship,” with Downing Street highlighting the UK’s efforts at “deregulating to boost growth.”
Dr Sasikumar S Sundaram
Starmer is keen to promote Britain to Trump and big US companies as the Labour government seeks new sources of investment to try to breathe life into a stagnant British economy.
“There are some real tensions between the Trump administration and the UK, particularly regarding how the UK government, under Starmer, supported Kamala Harris’s run for presidency,” Dr Sasikumar S Sundaram, senior lecturer at the department of international politics at City, University of London, and vicechair of the Global South Caucus, told Eastern Eye.
He added, “[Billionaire businessman] Elon Musk really does not like this because he believes it’s a far-left government which is engaged in woke politics. Having said that, the current UK government is also very pragmatic about trying to ensure they achieve the deal without creating a lot of performances, public appearances, and media frenzy.
“The biggest debate will be on tariffs and whether the UK will be affected by Trump’s tariff plan. The government has already made plans to establish proper mechanisms to avoid the sort of ‘tariff bite’.”
Sundaram dwelt on Britain and America’s ties with Asia. “The US also wants to have trade deals with India. There will be a lot of competition between these two countries as to how to approach India for new trade deals,” he said.
“We know that Narendra Modi and Trump are good friends, and they want to use their personal charisma to create more trade deals.
“However, the UK would also try to appeal to Indian industries and try to create a more favourable investment climate.” In his view, India will play the role of a “swing state” in global geopolitics, in terms of placing its central role between the US and the UK. Sundaram said, “Whether those deals can be delivered by the Indian industry is an entirely different question. India still wants to protect domestic industry that resonates with Hindu nationalism. But the real politics is not in focusing on Hindu nationalism, but on being pragmatic to leverage the role of state in global geopolitics. For this, India should reduce its emphasis on Hindu nationalism versus the liberal international order, and focus on what is in India’s best interest in a decade from now. The resolution of tensions with China is a right step in that direction.”
Trump on Monday stressed the importance of India buying more American-made security equipment and moving toward a fair bilateral trading relationship in his phone call with Modi. Both leaders also spoke about immigration. It is anticipated that Modi will visit the US some time in February.
Modi and Trump enjoyed warm relations during the president’s first term, but during his re-election campaign last year, he called India a “very big abuser” on trade and vowed to use tariffs on global imports into the US to correct imbalances.
The US is India’s largest trading partner. Two-way trade surpassed $118 billion (£93.4bn) in 2023-2024, with India posting a surplus of $32bn (£25.4bn).
Trump has also threatened the BRICS group of nations, of which India is a part, with tariffs if they did not accept his demand of committing to not creating a new currency.
Anit Mukherjee, senior lecturer at Kings College, London, said he expected continuity rather than change in Trump’s relations with both the UK and India.
“The UK understands the importance of its partnership with the US, and the Americans also understand it. While there are apprehensions about the role of Elon Musk and his understanding with Keir Starmer, overall I do not see a big shift in UK-US relations,” Mukherjee told Eastern Eye.
He said the comments by some in the Trump administration were just part of a “social media storm”.
“In the world of diplomacy, people don’t get swayed by that. I think that’s just something you will see more in the X world than in the real world.
“While those concerns may have been expressed by some people close to Trump, eventually the president will not be swayed by such arguments and will actually look for what’s in it for America,” the academic said.
He believes the US will be looking at India to buy more American goods of all kinds, especially in the defence sector.
“Apart from that, there shouldn’t much change, since US-India ties enjoy bipartisan support. Moreover, the current form of the Quad came about during the first Trump administration and so there should be more continuity than change,” Mukherjee added.
Dr Uma Purushothaman, an assistant professor in the department of international relations and politics at the Central University of Kerala, said Trump was likely to pursue a more active policy of managing China’s rise by focusing on the Indo-Pacific.
India is also an important strategic partner in US efforts to counter China.
“Trump’s conciliatory approach towards Russia would give India more flexibility in its foreign policy. However, concerns over tariffs and illegal and legal immigration from India would remain, meaning it’s not going to be a totally smooth ride for IndoUS relations,” she said.
There was also likely to be less pressure on concerns over human rights from the US, she added.
D Dhanuraj, founder and chairman of Centre for Public Policy Research, an India-based thinktank, said India should work to strengthen the institutional mechanisms in mutually beneficial areas, instead of falling into sensitive matters that the new administration is focusing on in its early days.
“India must wait and watch the administration’s approach to India and south Asia, for some time. Continuous engagement with the administration and focusing on the commitments from both sides on the deliverables is the way to go, at this stage,” he said.
That urgency has risen in tandem with tensions between the world’s most populous nation and its northern neighbour China, especially since a deadly 2020 clash between their troops.
“India’s perception of its security environment vis-a-vis China has been dramatically altered,” Harsh V Pant, of the New Delhi-based Observer Research Foundation think-tank, said.
Relations between the neighbours went into freefall after the clash on their shared frontier, which killed 20 Indian and at least four Chinese soldiers.
“It has sort of shaken the system and there’s a realisation that we have to do whatever is best now, and very fast,” Pant said of the incident.
India has become the world’s largest arms importer with purchases steadily rising to account for nearly 10 per cent of all imports globally in 2019-23, the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI) said last year.
Workers clean communication equipment aboard INS Surat on January 11
More is in the pipeline, with orders worth tens of billions of dollars from the United States, France, Israel and Germany in coming years.
Modi will be in France next month where he is expected to sign deals worth about $10 billion (£8.03bn) for Rafale fighter jets and Scorpene-class submarines, Indian media reports say.
Defence minister Rajnath Singh has also promised at least $100bn (£80.3bn) in fresh domestic military hardware contracts by 2033 to spur local arms production.
“India has been traditionally an importer for decades and only switched to emphasising on indigenous manufacturing... in the last decade,” strategic affairs analyst Nitin Gokhale said.
“It is not easy to switch, not everything can be manufactured or produced here,” he said, saying the country lacked the ability to manufacture “highend technology” weapons systems.
But its efforts have still seen numerous impressive milestones.
This decade India has opened an expansive new helicopter factory, launched its first homemade aircraft carrier, and conducted a successful longrange hypersonic missile test. That in turn has fostered a growing arms export market which saw sales last year worth $2.63bn (£2.1bn) – still a tiny amount compared to established players, but a 30-fold increase in a decade.
India is expected in the coming weeks to announce a landmark deal to supply Indonesia’s military with supersonic cruise missiles in a deal worth nearly $450 million (£361.7m).
The government aims to treble this figure by 2029, with a significant chunk of the $75bn (£6.02bn) it spent on defence last year aimed at boosting local production and innovation.
India has deepened defence cooperation with Western countries in recent years, including in the much-feted Quad alliance with the United States, Japan and Australia.
This reorientation has helped India sign various deals to import and locally co-produce military drones, naval ships, fighter jets and other hardware with suppliers from Western countries.
It has also led to a precipitous drop in India’s share of arms from longstanding ally Russia, which supplied 76 per cent of its military imports in 2009- 2013, but only 36 per cent in 2019-2023, according to SIPRI data.
New Delhi has nonetheless sought to maintain the delicate balance between India’s historically warm ties with Moscow while courting closer partnerships with Western nations.
Modi’s government has resisted pressure from Washington and elsewhere to explicitly condemn Russia’s 2022 invasion of Ukraine, instead urging both sides to the negotiating table.
Gokhale said India was not in the position to abandon its relationship with Russia, which still plays an important role as a supplier of advanced weaponry including cruise missiles and nuclear submarine technology.
“India has certainly spread its risks by sourcing from other countries,” he said. “But Russia remains a very important and dependable partner.”
