LORD MICHAEL ASHCROFT, a former treasurer and deputy chairman of the Conservative party, has revealed why he decided to write the first-ever biography of the chancellor, Going for Broke: The Rise of Rishi Sunak.
“At the beginning of the year, hardly anyone outside Westminster and Yorkshire had heard of Rishi Sunak. Then all of a sudden he was one of the most powerful and influential figures in a government facing a national crisis,” Lord Ashcroft told Eastern Eye in an exclusive interview. “I thought people would be interested to know more about him and how he achieved such a meteoric rise.”
Lord Ashcroft confirmed that royalties from the sale of his book “will go to a range of charities that I support, including those for veterans, education, sepsis awareness and fighting crime”.
Asked whether the Tory party and the country in general were ready to accept someone who was not white as prime minister, he replied: “It is more than ready. One good sign is his adoption as the Conservative candidate by one of the least ethnically diverse constituencies in the country.
“I don’t think the candidates’ ethnicity would be foremost in people’s minds in any leadership election. The Tories would actually take some satisfaction in having the first leader from an ethnic minority – just as they had the first (and second) woman prime minister, and the first (and second) chancellor and home secretary from an Asian background.”
Born on May 12, 1980, in Southampton to Hindu Punjabi parents, Yashvir and Usha Sunak – who came to Britain from east Africa – Sunak was head boy for a term at Winchester and took a First at Oxford. His father worked as a GP, his mother as a pharmacist. Sunak is married to Akshata, the daughter of Infosys founder NR Narayana Murthy, but their relationship began when they were students at Stanford University in America before her father became one of the richest men in India.
The chancellor was elected to parliament five years ago, taking over one of the safest Tory seats in the country – Richmond in Yorkshire – from William Hague, the former Conserative party leader and foreign secretary.
Asked whether Sunak’s career prospects depended solely on the patronage of the prime minister Boris Johnson, Lord Ashcroft said: “He might have been dependent on Boris in the early days, but I don’t think that’s the case any more. He has now established himself as a major figure in his own right.
“On the patronage point, there is really nothing else Boris can promote him to – and after Sajid Javid, for Boris to lose a second chancellor would look like carelessness. He doesn’t have his own gang or faction, but he has won the confidence of a lot of MPs and has certainly got himself noticed by the voters. So, I think his future career is in his own hands and that of the electorate.”
Lord Ashcroft argued that Sunak’s ethnicity is no longer a crucial factor: “Having spent years doing political research, as well as being involved in politics more generally, I honestly don’t think those things matter to the vast majority of voters.
“People like Rishi because they think he is doing a good job in the circumstances and is actually trying to help, and that counts far more than his background.
“The same applies when people on the left attack him for being rich – voters are much more interested in whether you seem decent and competent than they are in your wealth or family background or ethnicity.”
Lord Ashcroft launched his book on the website, ConservativeHome, where he declared: “I did not want this book to be a hagiography. And those of you who read Call Me Dave, my biography of David Cameron; well, know that I’m not exactly afraid to reveal the good, the bad, and the ugly.
“But perhaps the single most remarkable feature of Sunak’s rise is how few enemies he has made along the way, a most unusual achievement in the world of politics. Nobody seems to have a bad word to say about the guy.”
He pointed out: “He’s only 40 and is clearly going to be a key player on the political scene for some time to come. Depending how things go, there may well be scope for a second instalment of my book.”
On how much access he had to his subject, Lord Ashcroft disclosed: “I’d met him in passing, but I haven’t really spent time with him. In some ways, that’s an advantage when writing a book like this: we have no history. He didn’t actively cooperate, but he was not obstructive either. He and his team knew about the project and did not discourage colleagues from talking to me, unlike the position that Cameron took.”
As for the chancellor’s politics, he said: “He talks about the dignity of work, and the importance of enterprise in the sense that he has a keen understanding that prosperity doesn’t appear out of nowhere. And that’s one reason he has been an advocate for not locking down any harder or for any longer than was necessary.
“Free trade has also been an important driver for him, especially when it came to Brexit. But he’s also a pragmatist. During the Brexit wars there were plenty of principled resignations by junior ministers whose names we have all now forgotten. He understands that decisions are made by the people in the room.”
Sunak, who is apparently a reasonable ballroom dancer, has “talked about how his family would carry on their cultural traditions while being absolutely part of their local community in England. At the weekend, he would go to the Hindu temple, and to football matches at his beloved Southampton. There was never any contradiction between the two ways of life.”
On what would happen “were Boris Johnson to fall under the proverbial bus”, the author commented: “There are a couple of things in his favour. One is that for many voters, he is the chancellor who helped save their job, or keep them solvent when they might otherwise have gone under – something that people have spontaneously said in my polling and focus groups.
“While he might not have the same kind of magnetism that we saw from Boris on the campaign trail, he is also much less of a Marmite figure. There is a sort of quiet decency and competence that people might respond to after these tumultuous years.
“And, of course, it depends who he is up against. You might also ask whether a Remain backing lawyer from north London would have more appeal to voters than a Yorkshire Brexiteer.”
Lord Ashcroft summed up: “He comes across as extremely competent at a time when competence is at a premium. His biggest strength is a combination of huge intellect, ferocious work ethic, good political judgment, the ability to project himself well, and great interpersonal skills that enable him to win people over and acquire confidence in who he is, and what he can do.”
Going for Broke: The Rise of Rishi Sunak by Michael Ashcroft is published by Biteback Publishing; £20.
TENSIONS with Pakistan, fluctuating ties with Bangladesh, and growing Chinese influence in Nepal and Sri Lanka have complicated India’s neighbourhood policy, a top foreign policy and security expert has said.
C Raja Mohan, distinguished professor at the Motwani Jodeja Institute for American Studies at OP Jindal Global University, has a new book out, called India and the Rebalancing of Asia.
He also described how India’s engagement with the US, Japan, Australia and Europe has moved from symbolism to one of substance. Raja Mohan said, “After independence, India withdrew from regional security politics, focusing on global issues and non-alignment. But the past decade has seen a reversal. India is now back in the Asian balance of power. The very concept of the ‘Indo-Pacific’ reflects that, putting the ‘Indo’ into the ‘Pacific.’”
The idea, he explained, has deep historical roots: “The British once viewed the Indian and Pacific Oceans as interconnected realms. Now, after decades of separation, those spaces are merging again.”
Narendra Modi with Xi Jinping and (right)Vladimir Putin at last month’s SCO summit in China
While India once aspired to build a “post-Western order” alongside China, those dreams have long since faded, according to the expert.
“Contradictions between India and China have sharpened,” he said, citing territorial disputes, a $100 billion (£75bn) trade deficit, and China’s growing influence among India’s neighbours.
By contrast, India’s ties with the US and Europe have strengthened.
“Where once India shunned security cooperation with Washington, it is now deeply engaged,” he said. Yet he emphasised that India remains an independent actor, “not a traditional ally like Japan or Australia.”
His comments were made during the Adelphi series, hosted by the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) last month. According to the expert, who is also a visiting research professor at the National University of Singapore, the return of India to regional security politics marks a significant change in its foreign policy since independence. Popular discussions about the “rise of Asia” tend to oversimplify what Raja Mohan explained was a deeply uneven transformation. “It’s more accurate to say Asia as a whole is rising,” he said, adding, “but not evenly. China has risen much faster than the rest.”
This imbalance has created internal contradictions within Asia, according to the academic. “China’s sense of entitlement to regional dominance and its territorial claims have provoked reactions from other Asian countries,” he said.
While China’s economic ascent, once “a marriage of Western capital and Chinese labour”, that relationship has strained over the past 15 years as the Asian country grew into a global military and economic powerhouse, according to Raja Mohan.
And the US, which previously nurtured China’s growth, now seeks to restore balance in Asia, shifting from a policy of engagement to one of cautious competition, he said.
Dwelling on India’s rise, he said, “The question is not whether India can match China alone, but whether it can help build coalitions that limit unilateralism. History shows weaker states can play crucial balancing roles, as China once did against the Soviet Union.”
He explored how the US-China and India-China dynamics might evolve, particularly under US president Donald Trump.
“Some believe the US is retrenching to focus on Asia, others think Trump might seek a grand bargain with China,” Raja Mohan said. “Much depends on how Washington manages its ties with Russia and its global posture.”
He also described how India’s engagement with the US, Japan, Australia and Europe has moved from symbolism to one of substance. Raja Mohan said, “After independence, India withdrew from regional security politics, focusing on global issues and non-alignment. But the past decade has seen a reversal. India is now back in the Asian balance of power. The very concept of the ‘Indo-Pacific’ reflects that, putting the ‘Indo’ into the ‘Pacific.’”
The idea, he explained, has deep historical roots: “The British once viewed the Indian and Pacific Oceans as interconnected realms. Now, after decades of separation, those spaces are merging again.”
While India once aspired to build a “post-Western order” alongside China, those dreams have long since faded, according to the expert.
“Contradictions between India and China have sharpened,” he said, citing territorial disputes, a $100 billion (£75bn) trade deficit, and China’s growing influence among India’s neighbours.
By contrast, India’s ties with the US and Europe have strengthened.
“Where once India shunned security cooperation with Washington, it is now deeply engaged,” he said. Yet he emphasised that India remains an independent actor, “not a traditional ally like Japan or Australia.”
His comments were made during the Adelphi series, hosted by the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) last month. According to the expert, who is also a visiting research professor at the National University of Singapore, the return of India to regional security politics marks a significant change in its foreign policy since independence. Popular discussions about the “rise of Asia” tend to oversimplify what Raja Mohan explained was a deeply uneven transformation. “It’s more accurate to say Asia as a whole is rising,” he said, adding, “but not evenly. China has risen much faster than the rest.”
This imbalance has created internal contradictions within Asia, according to the academic. “China’s sense of entitlement to regional dominance and its territorial claims have provoked reactions from other Asian countries,” he said.
While China’s economic ascent, once “a marriage of Western capital and Chinese labour”, that relationship has strained over the past 15 years as the Asian country grew into a global military and economic powerhouse, according to Raja Mohan.
And the US, which previously nurtured China’s growth, now seeks to restore balance in Asia, shifting from a policy of engagement to one of cautious competition, he said.
Dwelling on India’s rise, he said, “The question is not whether India can match China alone, but whether it can help build coalitions that limit unilateralism. History shows weaker states can play crucial balancing roles, as China once did against the Soviet Union.”
He explored how the US-China and India-China dynamics might evolve, particularly under US president Donald Trump.
“Some believe the US is retrenching to focus on Asia, others think Trump might seek a grand bargain with China,” Raja Mohan said. “Much depends on how Washington manages its ties with Russia and its global posture.”
China, he noted, has already toned down its aggressive “wolf warrior” diplomacy, realising that assertiveness has backfired. Yet the underlying structural contradictions between China and both the US and India “are unlikely to disappear.”
Asked about India’s balancing act between the US and Russia, especially after Moscow’s invasion of Ukraine, the expert was pragmatic.
“India has steadily moved closer to the US and the West, but Trump’s trade-first approach has caused turbulence,” Raja Mohan said.
He cited the threats of high tariffs on Indian imports and resentment over trade imbalances with Washington DC.
On Russia, Raja Mohan’s view was that the relationship has been “in slow decline since the 1990s.”
While India’s GDP now outpaces Russia’s, it continues to engage Moscow for practical reasons. “India’s oil purchases from Russia rose from two per cent to forty per cent after 2022. That’s pragmatism, not alignment,” Raja Mohan said.
He added that prime minister Narendra Modi’s recent handshakes with China’s president Xi Jinping and Russia’s president Vladimir Putin at the Shanghai Co-operation Organization (SCO) summit in China were “signals, reminders to the West that India has options.”
Raja Mohan said India was at the cusp of a historic transformation. “India once provided security across Asia - in both world wars, millions of Indian soldiers fought overseas. That history was forgotten when India withdrew from global security,” he said.
“Now we are reclaiming that role. Ideally, the partnership with the US is the best. But if not, India and other Asian powers will have to shoulder the burden themselves.”
“Japan, Korea, India, Australia - all will have to do more on their own,” he said. “We’ll need to pull up our own bootstraps.”
Dr Benjamin Rhode, senior fellow at IISS, chaired the session.
aggressive “wolf warrior” diplomacy, realising that assertiveness has backfired. Yet the underlying structural contradictions between China and both the US and India “are unlikely to disappear.”
Asked about India’s balancing act between the US and Russia, especially after Moscow’s invasion of Ukraine, the expert was pragmatic.
“India has steadily moved closer to the US and the West, but Trump’s trade-first approach has caused turbulence,” Raja Mohan said.
He cited the threats of high tariffs on Indian imports and resentment over trade imbalances with Washington DC.
On Russia, Raja Mohan’s view was that the relationship has been “in slow decline since the 1990s.”
While India’s GDP now outpaces Russia’s, it continues to engage Moscow for practical reasons. “India’s oil purchases from Russia rose from two per cent to forty per cent after 2022. That’s pragmatism, not alignment,” Raja Mohan said.
He added that prime minister Narendra Modi’s recent handshakes with China’s president Xi Jinping and Russia’s president Vladimir Putin at the Shanghai Co-operation Organization (SCO) summit in China were “signals, reminders to the West that India has options.”
Raja Mohan said India was at the cusp of a historic transformation. “India once provided security across Asia - in both world wars, millions of Indian soldiers fought overseas. That history was forgotten when India withdrew from global security,” he said.
“Now we are reclaiming that role. Ideally, the partnership with the US is the best. But if not, India and other Asian powers will have to shoulder the burden themselves.”
“Japan, Korea, India, Australia - all will have to do more on their own,” he said. “We’ll need to pull up our own bootstraps.”
Dr Benjamin Rhode, senior fellow at IISS, chaired the session.
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