Eight on trial over murder of teacher who showed Prophet caricature
Days after Samuel Paty, 47, showed his pupils the caricatures, in 2020, an 18-year-old assailant of Chechen origin stabbed him repeatedly and beheaded him outside his school.
This court sketch shows (L-R) defendants Brahim Chnina, Nabil Boudaoud and Ismael Gamaev sitting during the trial of eight adults charged with contributing to the climate of hatred that led to an 18-year-old Islamist radical in the 2020 beheading teacher Samuel Paty, at the Paris Special Assize Court, in Paris, on November 4, 2024. (Photo by BENOIT PEYRUCQ/AFP via Getty Images)
Pramod Thomas is a senior correspondent with Asian Media Group since 2020, bringing 19 years of journalism experience across business, politics, sports, communities, and international relations. His career spans both traditional and digital media platforms, with eight years specifically focused on digital journalism. This blend of experience positions him well to navigate the evolving media landscape and deliver content across various formats. He has worked with national and international media organisations, giving him a broad perspective on global news trends and reporting standards.
THE father of a French pupil whose account of the use of caricatures of the Prophet Mohammad in a class on free speech led to the teacher's brutal murder went on trial this week, accused of association with a terrorist network.
Days after Samuel Paty, 47, showed his pupils the caricatures, in 2020, an 18-year-old assailant of Chechen origin stabbed him repeatedly and beheaded him outside his school in Conflans-Sainte-Honorine near Paris.
That happened after the father, Brahim Chnina, published a series of videos on social media, wrongly accusing Paty of disciplining his daughter for complaining about the class, giving Paty's name and identifying the school.
Prosecutors accuse Chnina of collaborating with Abdelhakim Sefrioui, who founded a hardline Islamist organisation, to incite hatred towards the middle-school teacher. Many Muslims consider any depiction of the Prophet Mohammad blasphemous.
"They put a target on the teacher's back," Thibault de Montbrial, a lawyer for Samuel Paty's sister Mickaelle Paty, told reporters. "Their public allegations... the videos they made attacking this teacher... all this spiral led directly to the atrocious decapitation of Samuel Paty."
"It will be interesting to see, how after having set up a whole chain of events from the letter A to the letter Y they will say that they are not responsible for the letter Z."
Both men are charged with association with a terrorist organisation. Chnina's lawyer declined to comment ahead of the start of the trial.
Sefrioui's lawyer, Ouadie Elhamamouchi, has said there is no proof of contact between Sefrioui and the Chechen killer, who was shot dead by police.
Elhamamouchi said that Sefrioui would show the court "that he has absolutely no connection whatsoever with this heinous attack, which he has condemned from day one".
Among the six others on trial in Paris alongside Chnina and Sefrioui are two associates of Paty's killer, Abdullakh Anzorov. Prosecutors allege they knew of Anzorov's plans to slay Paty and helped him buy weapons.
Both are charged with complicity in a terrorist killing, and French media say they have both denied wrongdoing.
Last year, a court found Chnina's daughter and five other adolescents guilty of charges related to taking part in a pre-meditated criminal conspiracy and helping to prepare an ambush.
Chnina's daughter was actually not in Paty's class when the caricatures were shown and the court found her guilty of making false accusations and slanderous comments. French media said the 13-year-old made the allegations against Paty when her parents asked her why she had been suspended from school for two days.
The latest trial is due to run until December.
Teachers from Paty's school will follow the trial closely, said Antoine Casubolo Ferro, a lawyer for 14 of his colleagues.
"They expect the (French) republic, justice, to say: stop, don't mess with teachers ... don't mess with freedom of expression," Casubolo Ferro told reporters.
US president Donald Trump gestures next to Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu at Ben Gurion International Airport as Trump leaves Israel en route to Sharm El-Sheikh, Egypt, to attend a world leaders' summit on ending the Gaza war, amid a US-brokered prisoner-hostage swap and ceasefire deal between Israel and Hamas, in Lod, Israel, October 13, 2025.
‘They make a desert and call it peace’, wrote the Roman historian Tacitus. That was an early exercise, back in AD 96, of trying to walk in somebody else’s shoes. The historian was himself the son-in-law of the Roman Governor of Britain, yet he here imagined the rousing speech of a Caledonian chieftain to give voice to the opposition to that imperial conquest.
Nearly two thousand years later, US president Donald Trump this week headed to Sharm-El-Sheikh in the desert, to join the Egyptian, Turkish and Qatari mediators of the Gaza ceasefire. Twenty more world leaders, including prime minister Sir Keir Starmer and president Emmanuel Macron of France turned up too to witness this ceremonial declaration of peace in Gaza.
This ceasefire brings relief after two years of devastating pain. Tens of thousands of civilians have been killed. More of the Israeli hostages taken by Hamas are returning dead than alive. Eighty-five per cent of Gaza is rubble. Each of the twenty steps of the proposed peace plan may prove rocky. The state of Palestine has more recognition - in principle - than ever before across the international community, but it may be a long road to that taking practical form. Israel continues to oppose a Palestinian state.
The ceasefire will be welcomed in Britain for humanitarian relief and rekindling hopes of a path to a political settlement. It offers an opportunity to take stock on the fissures of the last two years on community relations here in Britain too. That was the theme of a powerful cross-faith conversation last week, convened by the Board of Deputies of British Jews, to reciprocate the expressions of solidarity received from Muslims, Christians and others after the Manchester synagogue attacks, and challenge the arson attack on a Sussex mosque.
Jewish and Muslim civic voices had convened an ‘optimistic alliance’ to keep conversations going when there seemed ever less to be optimistic about. The emerging news from Gaza was seen as a hopeful basis to deepen conversation in Britain about how tackling the causes of both antisemitism and anti-Muslim prejudice could form part of a shared commitment to cohesion.
This conflict has not seen a Brexit-style polarisation down the middle of British society. Most people’s first instinct was to avoid choosing a side in this conflict. The murderous Hamas attack on Jews on October 7, 2023 and the excesses of the Israeli assault on Gaza piled tragedy upon tragedy. The instinct to not take sides can be an expression of mutual empathy, but is not always so noble. It can reflect confusion and exhaustion with this seemingly intractable conflict. A tendency to look away and change the subject can frustrate those whose family heritage, faith solidarity or commitments to Zionism and Palestine as political ideas make them feel more closely connected.
Others have felt this conflict thrust upon them in an unwelcome way - including British Jews fed up with the antisemitic idea that they can be held responsible at school, university or work for what the government of Israel is doing. Protesters for Palestine perceive double standards in arguments about free speech - as do those with contrasting views. The proper boundaries between legitimate political protest and prejudice are sharply contested.
Hamit Coksun is an asylum seeker who speaks somewhat broken English. He would seem an unusual ally for Robert Jenrick. Yet the shadow justice secretary went to court to offer solidarity, after Coskun had burned a Qu’ran outside the Turkish Embassy, while shouting “F__ Islam” and “Islam is the religion of terrorism”. He had been fined £250, but the appeal court overturned his conviction. The judgment was context-specific: this specific incendiary protest took place outside an embassy, not a place of worship, in an empty street, and did not direct the comments at anybody in particular.
The law does not protect faiths from criticism, and indeed offers some protection for intolerant and prejudiced political speech too, though the police can place conditions on protest to protect people from abuse, intimidation or harassment on the basis of their faith.
So it can be legal to performatively burn books - holy or otherwise - though this verdict makes clear it does not offer a green light to do so in every context.
But how far should we celebrate those who choose to burn books? Cosun advocates banning the Qu’ran, making him a flawed champion of free speech. Jenrick is legitimately concerned to show that there are no laws against blasphemy in Britain, but could anybody imagine that he would turn up in person to show solidarity to a man burning the Bible, Bhagvad Gita or Torah, shouting profanities to declaring religion of war or genocide? The court’s defence of the right to shock, offend and provoke is correct in law. Those are hardly the only conversations that a shared society needs.
Sunder Katwalawww.easterneye.biz
Sunder Katwala is the director of thinktank British Future and the author of the book How to Be a Patriot: The must-read book on British national identity and immigration.
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