IT is more important than ever that all women make their voices heard, politicians emphasised as the 100-year anniversary of women being able to vote was marked on Tuesday (6).
This week marks the centenary of the Representation of People Act 1918 which was introduced to allow some women to vote for the first time.
Before this law was implemented, women were not given the right to vote in general elections.
On Tuesday, prime minister Theresa May was expected to pay tribute to campaigners who fought for equal rights.
“Those who fought to establish their right – my right, every woman’s right – to vote in elections, to stand for office and to take their full and rightful place in public life did so in the face of fierce opposition,” she is expected to say. “They persevered in spite of all danger and discouragement because they knew their cause was right.”
May, who is the second female leader of the UK after Margaret Thatcher took office in 1979, added: “As the woman at the head of our country’s government, a century after my grandmothers were first given the right to vote, my mission is clear.
“To build that better future for all our people, a country that works for everyone, and a democracy where every voice is heard.”
May is expected to make an appearance in Manchester on the anniversary, a central point of activism for the women’s suffrage movement and the birthplace and home of Emmeline Pankhurst, the leader of the suffragette movement in the early 20th century.
Other fellow politicians also urged women to continue using the right to vote.
In the 2015 general election, fewer than half of 18-to-24-year-old women and just 54 per cent of women aged between 25-34 voted whilst fewer women than men voted in the 2016 EU referendum.
Dr Rupa Huq, Labour MP for Ealing Central and Acton, said as a woman, she is “all too aware” of the history of how women and the non-property-owning classes had to fight for the right to do so, which makes “[voting] of amplified significance”.
“I vote to make a difference,” she said. “With all its imperfections and caveats it is our way of having our say.”
The politician added: “Voting may seem a bit distant - putting an x in a box every five years - but it is our way of affecting real change.”
Labour MP Preet Gill, representative for Birmingham Edgbaston, said she hopes to see more women voting and to make sure they are aware they make a difference.
“There is, unfortunately, still a sense in some quarters of questioning whether voting really matters, and indeed at times there is reluctance by women to vote,” Gill told Eastern Eye. “I want to see more women voting, clear in the knowledge that the decisions their elected representatives make affect women just as much as they do men.”
She added that in the current social and political climate, it is a more important time than ever to assure that women make their opinions heard.
“With issues such as the rise of recorded hate crimes in the wake of the Brexit vote and the continued existence of race inequality, it is as important as ever that all women, including Asian women, make their voices heard at the ballot box,” she said.
Conservative MP Rehman Chishti told Eastern Eye the centenary anniversary is both a time to "celebrate and reflect".
Chishti, who represents Gillingham and Rainham, said: "Many women suffered for the cause – and we will be remembering the hundreds of women that suffered and sacrificed their livelihoods to give next generations the vote .
"I’m sure that today there are many aspects of our democracy of which they’d be proud."
He also added that Asian women's votes are "vital".
"Asian women are the backbone of their communities and therefore of the country too - so exercising their vote is vital," he said. "My father, uncle and grandfather were all Imams [so] I know personally that women are highly valued in Asian Muslim communities – and we are showing that."
"Indeed the first Muslim woman to speak at the despatch box was an Asian Conservative MP, Nusrat Ghani."
Labour MP Afzal Khan told Eastern Eye he thinks it is “crucial” that women are engaged at all levels of politics, including turning out to vote.
As the representative of Manchester, Gorton, he added with the Manchester local elections occurring in May, he hoped to see many women, and men, turning out to vote for their local council representatives.
“Turnout at local elections can often fall below levels we see in national elections but I hope this year, with the marking of the centenary of women’s' suffrage, that we see many more people turn out to vote, especially women,” he said.
Khan, who was formerly the Mayor of Manchester in 2005, said the centenary anniversary reminds us of the “hard won nature of the struggle to extend the franchise and the value of participatory democracy to all groups in society”.
“We still have some way to go before our Parliament is fully representative of the country it serves and marking the centenary both highlights the progress we have made to date and the distance we still have to travel on the road to full representation,” he said.
Labour MP Mohammad Yasin, representative for Bedford, told Eastern Eye although he saw the 100 years anniversary as a reason to celebrate, there is still a long way to go.
"There’s still so much more to do – the news only recently confirming the huge gender pay gap for women working part-time confirms the scale of the problem," he said. "Equality is still a way off."
On the importance of women casting their votes and engaging in politics, Yasin added: "The more women vote, the more politicians will feel the need to listen to what they have to say and to tailor their policies to address their concerns, so it’s vital that all women use their vote."
TENSIONS with Pakistan, fluctuating ties with Bangladesh, and growing Chinese influence in Nepal and Sri Lanka have complicated India’s neighbourhood policy, a top foreign policy and security expert has said.
C Raja Mohan, distinguished professor at the Motwani Jodeja Institute for American Studies at OP Jindal Global University, has a new book out, called India and the Rebalancing of Asia.
He also described how India’s engagement with the US, Japan, Australia and Europe has moved from symbolism to one of substance. Raja Mohan said, “After independence, India withdrew from regional security politics, focusing on global issues and non-alignment. But the past decade has seen a reversal. India is now back in the Asian balance of power. The very concept of the ‘Indo-Pacific’ reflects that, putting the ‘Indo’ into the ‘Pacific.’”
The idea, he explained, has deep historical roots: “The British once viewed the Indian and Pacific Oceans as interconnected realms. Now, after decades of separation, those spaces are merging again.”
Narendra Modi with Xi Jinping and (right)Vladimir Putin at last month’s SCO summit in China
While India once aspired to build a “post-Western order” alongside China, those dreams have long since faded, according to the expert.
“Contradictions between India and China have sharpened,” he said, citing territorial disputes, a $100 billion (£75bn) trade deficit, and China’s growing influence among India’s neighbours.
By contrast, India’s ties with the US and Europe have strengthened.
“Where once India shunned security cooperation with Washington, it is now deeply engaged,” he said. Yet he emphasised that India remains an independent actor, “not a traditional ally like Japan or Australia.”
His comments were made during the Adelphi series, hosted by the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) last month. According to the expert, who is also a visiting research professor at the National University of Singapore, the return of India to regional security politics marks a significant change in its foreign policy since independence. Popular discussions about the “rise of Asia” tend to oversimplify what Raja Mohan explained was a deeply uneven transformation. “It’s more accurate to say Asia as a whole is rising,” he said, adding, “but not evenly. China has risen much faster than the rest.”
This imbalance has created internal contradictions within Asia, according to the academic. “China’s sense of entitlement to regional dominance and its territorial claims have provoked reactions from other Asian countries,” he said.
While China’s economic ascent, once “a marriage of Western capital and Chinese labour”, that relationship has strained over the past 15 years as the Asian country grew into a global military and economic powerhouse, according to Raja Mohan.
And the US, which previously nurtured China’s growth, now seeks to restore balance in Asia, shifting from a policy of engagement to one of cautious competition, he said.
Dwelling on India’s rise, he said, “The question is not whether India can match China alone, but whether it can help build coalitions that limit unilateralism. History shows weaker states can play crucial balancing roles, as China once did against the Soviet Union.”
He explored how the US-China and India-China dynamics might evolve, particularly under US president Donald Trump.
“Some believe the US is retrenching to focus on Asia, others think Trump might seek a grand bargain with China,” Raja Mohan said. “Much depends on how Washington manages its ties with Russia and its global posture.”
He also described how India’s engagement with the US, Japan, Australia and Europe has moved from symbolism to one of substance. Raja Mohan said, “After independence, India withdrew from regional security politics, focusing on global issues and non-alignment. But the past decade has seen a reversal. India is now back in the Asian balance of power. The very concept of the ‘Indo-Pacific’ reflects that, putting the ‘Indo’ into the ‘Pacific.’”
The idea, he explained, has deep historical roots: “The British once viewed the Indian and Pacific Oceans as interconnected realms. Now, after decades of separation, those spaces are merging again.”
While India once aspired to build a “post-Western order” alongside China, those dreams have long since faded, according to the expert.
“Contradictions between India and China have sharpened,” he said, citing territorial disputes, a $100 billion (£75bn) trade deficit, and China’s growing influence among India’s neighbours.
By contrast, India’s ties with the US and Europe have strengthened.
“Where once India shunned security cooperation with Washington, it is now deeply engaged,” he said. Yet he emphasised that India remains an independent actor, “not a traditional ally like Japan or Australia.”
His comments were made during the Adelphi series, hosted by the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) last month. According to the expert, who is also a visiting research professor at the National University of Singapore, the return of India to regional security politics marks a significant change in its foreign policy since independence. Popular discussions about the “rise of Asia” tend to oversimplify what Raja Mohan explained was a deeply uneven transformation. “It’s more accurate to say Asia as a whole is rising,” he said, adding, “but not evenly. China has risen much faster than the rest.”
This imbalance has created internal contradictions within Asia, according to the academic. “China’s sense of entitlement to regional dominance and its territorial claims have provoked reactions from other Asian countries,” he said.
While China’s economic ascent, once “a marriage of Western capital and Chinese labour”, that relationship has strained over the past 15 years as the Asian country grew into a global military and economic powerhouse, according to Raja Mohan.
And the US, which previously nurtured China’s growth, now seeks to restore balance in Asia, shifting from a policy of engagement to one of cautious competition, he said.
Dwelling on India’s rise, he said, “The question is not whether India can match China alone, but whether it can help build coalitions that limit unilateralism. History shows weaker states can play crucial balancing roles, as China once did against the Soviet Union.”
He explored how the US-China and India-China dynamics might evolve, particularly under US president Donald Trump.
“Some believe the US is retrenching to focus on Asia, others think Trump might seek a grand bargain with China,” Raja Mohan said. “Much depends on how Washington manages its ties with Russia and its global posture.”
China, he noted, has already toned down its aggressive “wolf warrior” diplomacy, realising that assertiveness has backfired. Yet the underlying structural contradictions between China and both the US and India “are unlikely to disappear.”
Asked about India’s balancing act between the US and Russia, especially after Moscow’s invasion of Ukraine, the expert was pragmatic.
“India has steadily moved closer to the US and the West, but Trump’s trade-first approach has caused turbulence,” Raja Mohan said.
He cited the threats of high tariffs on Indian imports and resentment over trade imbalances with Washington DC.
On Russia, Raja Mohan’s view was that the relationship has been “in slow decline since the 1990s.”
While India’s GDP now outpaces Russia’s, it continues to engage Moscow for practical reasons. “India’s oil purchases from Russia rose from two per cent to forty per cent after 2022. That’s pragmatism, not alignment,” Raja Mohan said.
He added that prime minister Narendra Modi’s recent handshakes with China’s president Xi Jinping and Russia’s president Vladimir Putin at the Shanghai Co-operation Organization (SCO) summit in China were “signals, reminders to the West that India has options.”
Raja Mohan said India was at the cusp of a historic transformation. “India once provided security across Asia - in both world wars, millions of Indian soldiers fought overseas. That history was forgotten when India withdrew from global security,” he said.
“Now we are reclaiming that role. Ideally, the partnership with the US is the best. But if not, India and other Asian powers will have to shoulder the burden themselves.”
“Japan, Korea, India, Australia - all will have to do more on their own,” he said. “We’ll need to pull up our own bootstraps.”
Dr Benjamin Rhode, senior fellow at IISS, chaired the session.
aggressive “wolf warrior” diplomacy, realising that assertiveness has backfired. Yet the underlying structural contradictions between China and both the US and India “are unlikely to disappear.”
Asked about India’s balancing act between the US and Russia, especially after Moscow’s invasion of Ukraine, the expert was pragmatic.
“India has steadily moved closer to the US and the West, but Trump’s trade-first approach has caused turbulence,” Raja Mohan said.
He cited the threats of high tariffs on Indian imports and resentment over trade imbalances with Washington DC.
On Russia, Raja Mohan’s view was that the relationship has been “in slow decline since the 1990s.”
While India’s GDP now outpaces Russia’s, it continues to engage Moscow for practical reasons. “India’s oil purchases from Russia rose from two per cent to forty per cent after 2022. That’s pragmatism, not alignment,” Raja Mohan said.
He added that prime minister Narendra Modi’s recent handshakes with China’s president Xi Jinping and Russia’s president Vladimir Putin at the Shanghai Co-operation Organization (SCO) summit in China were “signals, reminders to the West that India has options.”
Raja Mohan said India was at the cusp of a historic transformation. “India once provided security across Asia - in both world wars, millions of Indian soldiers fought overseas. That history was forgotten when India withdrew from global security,” he said.
“Now we are reclaiming that role. Ideally, the partnership with the US is the best. But if not, India and other Asian powers will have to shoulder the burden themselves.”
“Japan, Korea, India, Australia - all will have to do more on their own,” he said. “We’ll need to pull up our own bootstraps.”
Dr Benjamin Rhode, senior fellow at IISS, chaired the session.
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